This poll was conducted on Tuesday, April 19, 1994, following a month of political events on all levels. Some of these events are described below.

-There was contradictory information about progress in the Palestinian-Israeli negotiations. On the one hand, an agreement was reached at the end of March in Cairo calling for speeding up the pace of the negotiations. Later on, Yassir Abed Rabo said that the negotiations had reached a dead end. At the same time, other members of the Palestinian and Israeli delegations were talking about progress in the negotiations and expected agreement to be reached soon. Despite the postponement of the implementation of the DoP, some Israeli military and police forces were withdrawn from Gaza and Jericho and a group of fifty Palestinian deportees returned on the 5th of April. There were also some announcements that the Palestinian police were about to arrive and some officers did indeed arrive.

-Hamas claimed responsibility for a number of military attacks against Israeli targets inside the Green Line. The first occurred on April 6, and resulted in the death of eight Israelis and the wounding of several others. Following this incident, the Israeli authorities tightened the closure on the Occupied Territories, beginning the 8th of April, where no Palestinian workers were allowed to go to work inside Israel. This restriction caused further harm to the already deteriorating economic situation of the Occupied Territories, especially among the working class. In spite of the closure, a supporter of Hamas bombed an Israeli bus near Hadera, killing six Israelis. Occupation authorities had already begun a massive arrest campaign against activists and supporters of Hamas and Islamic Jihad. The Israeli Prime Minister, Yitzhak Rabin, warned the Jordanian government not to continue granting refuge to Hamas, which the Jordanians denied having done.

-On the level of Palestinian internal affairs, there was talk about coordination beginning between Hamas and Fateh. Different Palestinian factions, especially Hamas, called for dialogue, national unity, and democratic means for resolving internal differences. At the same time, the number of martyrs and Palestinians injured at the hands of the Israeli army and settlers increased. Among the martyrs was Mrs. Fatima Abdullah who was killed in her home and who was the mother of one and three months pregnant at the time. Furthermore, the house of Mr. Mohammad al-Wahaidi, a leader of Fateh, was destroyed by the army. Mr. al-Wahaidi is the father of Abeer al-Wahaidi who was sentenced to 19 years in prison for charges of armed resistance against the occupation.

-One of the important events in that period, especially in the Hebron area, was the visit of Reverend Jesse Jackson to the Occupied Territories.

This is a summary of many of the events that occurred during the month preceding the poll that are believed to have had certain influence on general Palestinian opinion in the Occupied Territories.

Polling Districts

In order to identify political positions throughout the Occupied Territories and to improve the credibility of the sample, the West Bank was divided into eight polling areas (Nablus, Tulkarm, Jenin, Jericho, Ramallah, Jerusalem, Bethlehem, and Hebron) which were in turn divided into eighteen polling, "electoral," districts. Gaza was divided into three polling areas (North, Middle, and South) and further divided into seven polling, "electoral," districts. (For details on electoral and polling districts, see appendix # 2 and for further information, please call CPRS.) The sample that we attained through this division enabled us to understand political positions and voting patterns in :

1. The Occupied Territories as a whole (West Bank and Gaza)

2. The West Bank and Gaza separately

3. Polling areas separately

4. Polling districts separately

We received 2006 responses from the West Bank and Gaza, of which 1311 are from the West Bank and 695 are from Gaza. Despite the limitations of the division utilized, it plays a great role in helping officials to establish norms for a future independent Palestinian electoral system that takes into consideration information presented in this poll.

(expressed as a % of the total sample)

Area of Residence
West Bank "including Jerusalem" Gaza Strip	65.4% 34.6%	City Village Refugee Camps		35.0% 46.2% 18.8%
Age			Sex		Education
18-24 25-31 32-38 39-45 46-52 53+	28.5% 32.5% 17.0% 11.1% 5.6% 5.3%		Males Females	63.3% 36.7%	Up to 9 years (elem./prep) Up to 12 years (Tawjihi) 2 year College University (BA) MA + Phd.		30.7% 32.6% 16.3% 19.2% 1.2%
Marital Status			Refugee Status		Occupation
Single Married Divorced & Widowed	33.2% 64.9% 1.9%		Refugee Non-Refugee	42.2% 57.8%	Laborers Merchants Craftsmen Students Housewives Farmers Employees* Specialists** Unemployed Retired	13.2% 9.3% 17.1% 8.1% 16.1% 2.8% 19.9% 6.2% 6.7% 0.6%

* Employees: Schoolteacher, Government Employee, Nurse, Lower-level Company Employee, Secretary, etc.
** Specialists: University Teacher, Engineer, Doctor, Lawyer, Pharmacist, Executive, etc.

During the the data collection process, the choice of interview stations was based on our previous experience in the last seven polls. To ensure the representation of Palestinians in all districts, the focus was on areas that attracted villagers and refugee camp residents. Data collectors carried with them an exhaustive list of villages and refugee camps in each district. This allowed them to reach their target sample as efficiently as possible, except for in the Ramallah area. Here, fifty percent of the interviews were conducted in villages and camps because of the difficulty of obtaining a representative sample through the normal procedure of interviews in the city itself. This method was used here as an experiment for means to further the development of the research process in the future.

In the Gaza Strip, field workers visited almost all towns, villages, and refugee camps (as indicated in Appendix 2). Here, around 50% of the interviews were conducted in households to ensure the representation of women. The rest of the interviews were conducted in public places.

The majority of our data collectors have participated in a number of workshops where the goals of the poll were discussed. They were also lectured on sampling techniques, survey methods, scientific research, and field work. Data collectors worked in groups supervised by qualified researchers. CPRS researchers made random visits to interview stations and discussed the research process with data collectors. More than fifty percent of our data collectors were female so as to ensure the representation of women in the sample. All interviews took place on the same day and were conducted on a face-to-face basis. Data collectors were assigned a limited number of interviews (an average of 35) to allow for careful interviewing.In general, the public forum of interviews contributed to a 10% non-response rate which was not included in the sample. A large number of non-respondents were women, probably due to cultural constraints. Some nonrespondents, we believe, are reluctant to state their political affiliation out of fear or ambivalence.

Researchers were instructed to refrain from the following:

1. Conducting interviews in public institutions such as trade unions, offices of political parties, women and student organizations, government offices, etc.

2. Interviewing their acquaintances and giving questionnaires to a group of acquaintances.

3. Conducting multiple interviews at the same time.

4. Interfering with the respondents' answers even if they seemed "illogical." If asked to explain a vague item, they must refer to a standard definition provided to them by CPRS. Otherwise, they must leave it up to the respondent to interpret the ambiguity.

Data were processed through the use of SPSS, a computer package that is able to detect illogical answers and other inconsistencies. The margin of error for this poll is less than 3%, and the confidence level is higher than 95%.

Palestinian Elections

It is clear from the results of this poll that there is overwhelming support for elections as a democratic means to choose representatives of the Palestinian people. This is also true for executive bodies like municipal councils.

Elections for the Palestinian Interim Self-Governing Authority (PISGA) Council

Palestinians were asked about their preferences for the best means to select the members of the Palestinian Interim Self-Governing Authority (PISGA) Council. The results were consistent with the findings of our previous polls with 72.1% of Palestinians choosing general political elections and 25% of Palestinians accepting the principle of appointment of the members of this council by PLO leadership or by the major factions on a quota basis. In spite of general similarities between the West Bank and Gaza on this question, there are some noteworthy differences. The results indicate the following:

-Support for elections in the West Bank (74.8%) is higher than in the Gaza Strip (68.7%), whereas support for appointment in the West Bank (23.2%) is less than in the Gaza Strip (29.8%). The perception of this concept in the Gaza Strip has changed over time. The closer the implementation of the agreement is in Gaza, support for elections decreases and support for appointment by the PLO increases, which could indicate an increase in trust of PLO leadership. As for participation in election of the PISGA Council, a decisive majority (72.5%) of Palestinians in the Occupied Territories show eagerness to participate. If those who intend to participate actually do so, we can compare this rate with recent participation rates in elections in other countries. For instance, recent statistics show that the percent of the voting age population actually voting in the U.S. was 55.24%, in Costa Rica was 71.74%, and in Israel was 77.38%. (CPRS is indebted to the International Republican Institute in Washington for providing the figures.)

Here too, we notice differences between the West Bank and Gaza. The willingness to participate in general political elections is higher in the West Bank (74.2%) than in Gaza (69.3%). We also find that the percentage of respondents in Gaza expressing their desire to take part in elections is increasing. (See Figure 1) This percentage was 60.1 in October 1993. It appears as though the closer the election date gets, a larger percentage of Gazans find it necessary to participate.

The difference in the support for elections between Gaza and the West Bank can be attributed to a higher percentage of opposition supporters in Gaza, some of whom refuse to participate in elections emerging from an agreement that they refuse to recognize. The difference between the West Bank and Gaza can also result from sample distribution, for the percentage of women in the Gaza sample (43.3%) is higher than in the West Bank (33.9%). It is apparent that women were less enthusiastic than men to support elections and more inclined to support appointments (to be discussed further in the section related to women's participation).

-The age group least willing to participate in the elections was the 18-24 group, with 67.8% of them expressing intention to participate. The 32-38 age group was the most willing to participate in the elections, with 77.1% of them expressing intention to participate. (See Table I) With regard to the 18-24 group, previous opinion polls showed that they are more supportive of opposition groups. The members of this age group have doubts about the likelihood of personal benefits from participation in elections.

Participation in Election by Age

Age Groups            Will Participate %    Will not              Not Sure %            
                                            Participate %                               
18-24                 67.8                  15.7                  16.5                  
25-31                 74.6                  14.1                  11.3                  
32-38                 77.1                  10.8                  12.1                  
39-45                 71.8                  13.6                  14.6                  
46-52                 76.2                  11.4                  12.4                  
Over 52               73.2                  9.3                   17.5                  

-There is a direct relationship between educational attainment and willingness to participate in elections, that ranges from a high of 90.9% of those with higher degrees to a low of 69.7% of those with an educational attainment of nine years or less. The lower rate in the 18-24 age group may also be a function of fewer of them having yet attained higher degrees.

Participation in Election by Education

Education             Will Participate %    Will not              Not Sure %            
                                            Participate %                               
Up to 9 Years         69.7                  15.1                  15.2                  
Up to 12 Years        72.1                  13.8                  14.1                  
2 Year  College       73.3                  14.7                  12.0                  
Bachelor's            76.7                  13.3                  10.0                  
MA & PHD              90.9                  4.5                   4.6                   

-With regard to residency, the residents of cities are most willing to participate in elections (74.1%) , followed by villagers (72.4%) and refugee camp residents (69.7%).

Participation in Election by Place of Residence

                      Will Participate %    Will not              Not Sure %            
                                            Participate %                               
City/Town             74.1                  12.8                  13.1                  
Village               72.4                  13.8                  13.8                  
R. Camp               69.7                  17.0                  13.3                  

-In terms of political affiliation, those supporting appointments and the DoP are most willing to participate in elections (Fateh 91% and Feda 87.2%). A total of 81.1% of Hizb el-Sha'b supporters and 77% of nationalist independents want to participate. The least support for participation in elections is among Islamic independents (52%) and the opposition groups (an average of 60%).

Participation in Election by Political Affiliation

                      Will Participate %    Will not              Not Sure              
                                            Participate %                               
PFLP                  60.8                  26.9                  12.3                  
Feda                  87.2                  5.1                   7.7                   
Hamas                 60.5                  23.6                  15.9                  
DFLP                  65.5                  20.7                  13.8                  
Fateh                 91.0                  1.9                   7.1                   
I. Jihad              58.8                  23.5                  17.7                  
Hizb el-Sha'b         81.1                  10.8                  8.1                   
Isl. Independents     52.2                  15.9                  31.9                  
Nat. Independents     77.7                  5.6                   1.7                   
Others                67.6                  11.8                  20.6                  
No One                45.1                  45.5                  9.5                   

Right of Women to Vote by Gender

                      Yes %        No %       Not Sure %            
Female                85.6          8.3        6.1                   
Male                  75.9         18.2        5.9                   

Furthermore, 70.9% of the women surveyed indicated their willingness to vote for a qualified woman if she were to run for elections. In comparison, 58.5% of the men surveyed indicated that they will consider a qualified female candidate.

Willingness to Vote for a Female Candidate by Gender

            Yes, if             No, Men are      No, don't        Not Sure %      
            Competent %         more             support women                    
                                Qualified %      running for                      
                                                 election %                       
Female      70.9                16.2             7.4              5.5             
Male        58.5                23.9             12.6             5.0             

The widest support for the right of women to vote is among West Bank women (89.5%), followed by Gaza women (79.6%), West Bank men, and Gaza men. This quad-polar division that is based on gender and region is further emphasized when we consider the views regarding female candidates. The poll showed that West Bank women are most willing to vote for a female candidate (76.2%), compared with 63.2% of the women in Gaza, who are followed by West Bank men (61%) and Gaza men (53%).

2. In general, there is an inverse relation between age and attitude towards women participating in elections. The younger groups, more than older ones, are more apt to accept the right of women to vote. A total of 81.5% of individuals between the ages of 18 and 24 approve of the right of women to vote, compared with 69% among Palestinians over the age of 53.

Right of Women to Vote by Age

Age Groups              Yes %            No %                Not Sure %           
18-24                   81.5             14.2                4.3                  
25-31                   81.0             13.7                5.3                  
32-38                   82.7             12.9                4.4                  
39-45                   72.2             20.0                7.8                  
46-52                   71.7             17.9                10.4                 
Over 52                 69.0             14.0                17.0                 

The young are also more willing to consider a female candidate if she were to run for election. A total of 66.2% of the youngest group in the sample (18-24 years) indicated that they will consider a female candidate, compared with 53.5% of those over 53 years old.

The inverse relation between age and attitude toward the political participation of women does not apply to Gaza. Here, we find a direct relation where the older seem to be more willing to support the rights of women. The respondents least supportive of the right of women to vote and least willing to vote for a female candidate are Gazans between the ages of 18 and 24. This may be due to a larger presence of political Islam among this age group and the fact that 70% of the respondents from this age group in Gaza have an educational level of twelve years or less.

3. There is a direct relation between education and attitudes towards political rights for women. Here, we also find a difference between the West Bank and Gaza. The results of the poll show that 89.4% of West Bank respondents who are university graduates approve of the right of women to vote, compared with 83.6% among Gaza respondents who are university graduates.

Right of Women to Vote by Education

                      Yes %                 No %                  Not Sure %            
Up to 9 Yrs.          71.1                  20.3                  8.6                   
Bet. 10 to 12 Yrs.    79.4                  15.7                  4.9                   
Two-Yr. Coll.         88.6                  8.2                   3.2                   
Bachelor's            87.5                  9.4                   3.1                   
MA & PHD              100                   ------                ------                

In addition, 73.6% of West Bank respondents who are graduates of two-year colleges are willing to vote for a female candidate, compared with 60.8% among Gazans with similar educational attainment. Support for political rights of women in Gaza is highest among educated women.

Willingness to Vote for a Female Candidate by Education

                    Yes, if         No, Men are more    No, Women don't     Not Sure   
                    Competent %     Qualified %         have Right%         %          
Up to 9 Yrs.        52.9            25.7                13.8                7.6        
Bet. 10 to 12 Yrs.  65.6            20.0                11.1                3.3        
Two-Yr. Coll.       67.6            19.0                9.5                 3.9        
Bachelor's          72.3            17.7                6.6                 3.4        
MA & PHD            100             ------              -------             ------     

4. Professionals and employees are the most supportive of women's political rights among all other groups. In contrast, the least supportive groups are farmers, laborers, and craftsmen. Support for women's political rights among housewives does not exceed the average for the general population. This may be connected to a relatively lower education.

5. Supporters of nationalist and secular political groups are most sympathetic with the right of women to vote than supporters of Islamic political groups. For example, 49.3% of the supporters of Islamic Jihad approve of the right of women to vote.

Hizb el-Sha'b supporters are most willing to vote for a female candidate, followed by the supporters of DFLP, PFLP, Feda, Fateh, and nationalist independents. We also find that the least willingness to vote for a woman is among Islamic independents, followed by Islamic Jihad and Hamas supporters.

6. The results indicate that refugee camp residents are more supportive of women's right to vote (82.7%) than villagers (77.9%). The most support for this right can be found in West Bank camps followed by Gaza camps. The least support is, however, in Gaza villages. (See Figure 4)

Furthermore, it was clear that West Bank refugee camp residents are most willing to consider a female candidate in elections. They are followed by West Bank city residents, Gaza camp residents, and residents of Gaza's cities and villages.

7. In general, support for women's political rights is higher in the West Bank than in Gaza. A total of 81% of West Bank respondents supported the right of women to vote, and 66.1% showed willingness to vote for a female candidate. In comparison, 76.3% of the Gaza sample indicated that they support the right of women to vote, and 57.7% will consider a female candidate.

In conclusion, Palestinian women considering running for elections will face the refusal of 38.3% of Gazans and 28.4% of West Bankers to elect a female candidate either because of a belief that a man is probably more qualified or lack of support for women running for election on principle. This brings to question the issue of the representation of women in future Palestinian legislative bodies such as PISGA. This concern is even more serious than the poll results indicate because some of those who declared a willingness to consider a female candidate in theory might have a different definition of competence for men and women, and might expect more of female candidates than male candidates. This competence double standard is not unique to Palestine and occurs in other countries such as the United States. And while the results show a majority support for women candidates, we should not be overly optimistic because some of the respondents might be considering only "exceptional" women such as Mrs. Hanan Ashrawi, and are not necessarily showing support for the participation of all women in political life.

Political Affiliation by Place of Residence

           PFLP %  Feda %   Hamas %  DFLP %  Fateh   I.       Hizb   Is     Nat'l   Others  No     
                                             %       Jihad %  el-Sh  Inds   Inds.   %       one %  
                                                              a'b %  %.     %                      
Nablus     5.2     1.9      15.6     0.5     44.5    2.8      0.9    1.4    7.6     1.9     17.7   
Tulkarm    6.5     0.6      15.6     3.2     41.6    1.9      1.9    4.5    5.8     3.3     15.1   
Jenin      4.4     2.5      18.8     0.6     41.3    3.1      0.6    3.1    7.5     4.4     13.7   
Jericho    5.0     7.5      22.5     2.5     40.0    2.5      5.0    5.0    10.0    -       -      
Ramallah   8.2     1.0      10.3     2.6     38.7    3.6      2.1    4.6    16.0    3.6     9.3    
Hebron     5.7     2.8      23.6     0.8     26.0    7.3      0.8    13.4   12.6    -       7.0    
Bethlehem  7.6     1.5      12.1     4.5     39.4    6.1      3.8    15.2   7.6     --      2.2    
Jerusalem  4.0     3.2      4.8      2.4     32.5    2.4      4.8    10.3   18.3    1.6     15.7   
Gaza       9.5     2.4      17.1     0.3     35.3    3.0      2.4    5.2    8.4     1.9     14.5   
North                                                                                              
Gaza       10.5    2.6      14.9     0.9     32.5    4.4      4.4    2.6    7.0     0.9     19.3   
Middle                                                                                             
Gaza       9.0     1.1      16.9     1.6     49.2    2.1      --     1.6    4.8     0.5     13.2   
South                                                                                              

Palestinian women support groups across the political spectrum. However, it is noticeable that the most support for Hizb el-Sha'b, which may be described as a "liberal" party comes from women more than men. At the same time, supporters of both Hamas and Islamic Jihad (groups advocating an Islamic system) are comprised of more women than men. Fateh has more male supporters than female. This may be due to Fateh's emphasis on political rather than social issues. It is also noticeable that support of women for Fateh decreases with education. The supporters of PFLP, DFLP, and Feda are divided almost equally between men and women.

Future of Refugee Camps by Political Affiliation

                    Remain Until        New Housing   Improve Living     Others %       
                    Final  Agreement %  %             Conditions %                      
PFLP                31.9                36.2          29.0               2.9            
Feda                19.5                63.4          9.8                7.3            
Hamas               34.6                31.7          31.4               2.3            
DFLP                41.4                37.9          20.7               -----          
Fateh               26.0                37.9          34.5               1.6            
I. Jihad            17.1                44.3          37.1               1.5            
Hizb el-Sha'b       33.3                35.9          25.6               5.2            
Isl. Independents   25.6                44.4          27.4               2.6            
Nat. Independents   27.9                47.0          23.5               1.6            
Others              20.6                38.2          35.3               5.9            
No One              24.4                41.6          28.6               5.4            

As to improving the living conditions in refugee camps, 30.5% supported this idea. This was the first choice of refugee camp residents (42%). Palestinians showed less support (27.6) for maintaining the status quo until a final political agreement is reached. This option was the least favorable in refugee camps.

Future of Refugee Camps by Place of Residence

                    Remain Until        New Housing   Improve Living     Others %       
                    Final  Agreement %  %             Conditions %                      
City/Town           31.9                36.2          29.0               2.9            
Village             19.5                63.4          9.8                7.3            
R. Camp             34.6                31.7          31.4               2.3            

It is important to mention here that Palestinians were not asked about their opinion of the right of refugees to return, and therefore, it would be misleading to assume that approval of any of the options mentioned above is an indication of giving up on the right to return. These attitudes might only reflect Palestinian expectations of the Palestinian authority during the interim period.

1. In your opinion, the best way to choose the members of the Palestinian
Council of the Palestinian Interim Self-Governing Authority is:

                                             Total   West Bank   Gaza

a. appointment by the PLO                     16.5%    14.9%     19.6%
b. appointment by political groups            08.9%    08.3%     10.2%
on the basis of a quota system
c. general political elections                72.6%    74.7%     78.7%
d. other (specify)                            02.0%    02.1%     01.5%

2. Will you participate in the general elections to choose the members 
of that Palestinian Council of the Palestinian Interim Self-Governing 
Authority?

a. yes                                        72.4%    74.0%     69.3%
b. no                                         14.2%    12.4%     17.6%
c. not sure                                   13.4%    13.6%     13.1%

3. In your view, what is the best way to choose the Palestinian Munici-
pal Councils?

a. return of the previously elected           05.2%    05.5%     04.8%
councils.
b. new elections                              71.2%    72.1%     69.3%
c. appointment by the national                09.8%    08.8%     11.8%
authority.
d. return of the previously elected           12.8%    12.6%     13.2%
councils for a short time and
then new elections.
e. other (specify)                            01.0%    01.0%     00.9%

4. Do you agree that women should have the right to vote in elections?

a. yes                                        79.4%    81.0%     76.3%
b. no                                         14.6%    13.1%     17.6%
c. don't know                                 06.0%    05.9%     06.1%

5. If a Palestinian woman ran for election, are you ready to elect her?

a. yes, if she were sufficiently              63.1%    66.1%     57.5%
qualified.
b. no, a man is probably more                 21.0%    20.2%     22.7%
qualified.
c. no, because I do not support               10.7%    08.2%     15.6%
women running for election.
d. not sure                                   05.2%    05.5%     04.2%

6. If the elections to choose the members of this government were held 
today, you would vote for candidates from: (the appointed date for holding 
this election is July 13, 1994)

a. PFLP                                       07.2%    05.9%     09.5%
b. Feda                                       02.1%    02.1%     02.1%
c. Hamas                                      15.9%    15.5%     16.7%
d. DFLP                                       01.5%    01.9%     00.7%
e. Fateh                                      37.8%    37.4%     38.7%
f. Islamic Jihad                              03.7%    04.0%     03.0%
g. Hizb el-Sha'b                              02.0%    02.0%     02.1%
h. Islamic independents                       06.0%    07.3%     03.7%
i. National independents                      09.5%    10.8%     07.2%
j. other (specify)                            01.8%    02.0%     01.3%
k. no one                                     12.5%    11.1%     15.0%

7. With regard to the settlements in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, after 
the end of the interim period: 

a. I want a complete dismantling              84.3%    79.8%     92.8%
of them and evacuation 
of the settlers.
b. some of the settlements may                09.5%    12.7%     03.5%
stay, under the authority of
the Palestinian law and police.
c. not sure                                   04.8%    06.2%     02.2%
d. other (specify)                            01.4%    01.3%     01.5%

8. With regard to the refugee camps in the West Bank and Gaza:

a. I prefer that they remain until a          27.6%    27.4%     27.9%
final agreement is reached
regarding them.
b. I prefer to transfer the residents         39.3%    41.4%     35.3%
to new housing projects.
c. I prefer that they remain with             30.5%    28.6%     34.0%
improvements in their living
conditions.
d. other (specify)                            02.6%    02.6%     02.8%

Polling Districts

The West Bank


The West Bank was divided into 8 areas and 18 polling "electoral"
districts as follows:

     District       Population     Sample      Sample distribution *                    
                    size **        size                                                 
Nablus city          85,375         92         100% Towns                               
Nablus East          81,995         59         89% Villages, 11%  R.Camps               
Nablus West          63,628         77         92% Villages, 8% R.Camps                 
Nablus Total        230,998        228                                                  

    District       Population      Sample      Sample distribution                        
                   size            size                                                  
Tulkarm (North)    105,694          67         25% Towns, 64% Villages, 11% R. Camps      
Tulkarm (South)     96,738          70         33% Towns, 67% Villages                    
Tulkarm Total      202,432         137                                                   

    District       Population      Sample     Sample Distribution                        
                   size            size                                                  
Jenin (East)        96,721          87        54% Towns, 34% Villages, 12% R. Camps      
Jenin (West)       100,490          64        100% Villages                              
Jenin Total        197,211         151                                                   

   District        Population      Sample     Sample Distribution                        
                   size            size                                                  
Jericho             25,957          41        55% Towns, 24% Villages, 21% R. Camps      

   District        Population      Sample     Sample Distribution                        
                   size            size                                                  
Ramallah (North)    76,983          51        84% Villages, 16% R. Camps                 
Ramallah (South)    77,533          72        37% Towns, 50% Villages, 13% R.Camps       
Ramallah (City)     75,178          96        82% Towns, 10% Villages, 8% R. Camps       
Ramallah Total     229,694         219                                                   

   District        Population      Sample     Sample Distribution                        
                   size            size                                                  
Hebron (North)      82,947          72        84% Villages, 16% R. Camps                 
Hebron (South)      80,073          72        88% Villages, 12% R.Camps                  
Hebron (City)       96,545          69        100% Towns                                 
Hebron Total       259,565         213                                                   

   District        Population      Sample     Sample Distribution                     
                   size            size                                               
Bethlehem (City)     68,646         74        33% Towns, 51% Villages, 16% R.Camps    
Bethlehem(Vicinity)  70,273         75        10% Towns, 74% Villages, 16%  R. Camps  
Bethlehem Total     138,919        149                                                

   District        Population      Sample     Sample Distribution                     
                   size            size                                               
Jerusalem (Vicinity) 81,730         74        49% Towns, 42% Villages, 9% R.Camps     
Jerusalem (City)     83,580         74        14% Towns, 86% Villages                 
Jerusalem Total     165,310        148                                                

* (a complete list of villages and camps included in each district may be obtained from CPRS.)

The Gaza Strip

The Gaza Strip was divided into 3 "areas" (North, Middle, South) and 
7 polling "electoral" districts as shown below: 

    District       Population     Sample      Sample Distribution                    
                   size           size                                               
Jabalia & North    141,915        113         Beit Hanoun, Beit Lahia Village &      
                                              Project,  Jabalia RCamp, Al-Nazli      
Gaza city (A)       90,000         91         Al-Shati', Sheikh Radwan, Al-Nasr      
Gaza city (B)      110,000         90         Al-Rimal, Al-Sabra, Al-Daraj           
Gaza city (C)     1001,000         88         Al-Tofah, Al-Zaytoun, Al-Shuja'iyah    
North Total        441,915        381                                                

    District       Population     Sample      Sample Distribution                    
                   size           size                                               
Middle Camps       116,600        115         Al-Bureij, Al-Magazi, Nuseirat,        
                                              Zawaydeh, Deir El-Balah                

    District       Population     Sample      Sample Distribution                    
                   size           size                                               
Khan Yunis         140,514        115         Khan Yunis (Camp and City) Qararah,    
                                              Bani Suhaila, Khaza, Abasan.           
Rafah & Camp       102,346         80         Rafah (Camp and City)                  
South Total        242,860        195                                                

* CPRS estimates are based on the figures provided by "Palestinian Population Handbook" by the "Planning and Research Center 1993".

Naturally, CPRS researchers realize that if elections were to be held, they would not necessarily be based on "electoral districts". We also understand that electoral districts may be divided in various other ways. However, we believe that this poll captures, as accurately as possible, the political map in the Occupied Territories.

In addition, interested individuals may obtain the results of the voting patterns in each one these areas according to place of residence (city, village, and refugee camp) by contacting CPRS.