This is the fifteenth public opinion poll conducted by the Survey Research Unit (SRU) at the Center for Palestine Research and Studies. The following topics are covered in this poll: unemployment, elections, Palestinian-Jordanian relations, Palestinian-Israeli negotiations, and armed attacks against Israeli targets.CPRS has been conducting regular public opinion polls to document an important phase in the history of the Palestinian people and to record the reactions of the Palestinian community with regard to current political events. CPRS does not adopt political positions and does not tolerate attempts to influence the conclusions reached or published for political motives. CPRS is committed to providing a scholarly contribution to analysis and objective study and to publishing the results of all our studies and research. Poll results provide a vital resource for the community and for researchers needing statistical information and analysis. The polls give members of the community opportunity to voice their opinion and to seek to influence decision makers on issues of concern to them. In a broader sense, CPRS strives to promote the status of scientific research in Palestine. SRU disseminates the results of the polls through a number of means, including its community outreach program where the results are shared and discussed with a large number of Palestinians.
Here are the main findings of this poll:
Enclosed are the results of the most recent public opinion poll that has been conducted in the West Bank (including Arab Jerusalem) and the Gaza Strip (see Appendix).
- -81% of the Palestinians oppose continuation of negotiations if expansion of settlements does not stop.
- -46% support armed attacks against Israeli targets; 33.5% oppose such attacks.
- -Arafat's popularity reached 53.4% and Fateh's increased to 49.5% for the first time.
- -55.3% expect that negotiations will lead to the establishment of a Palestinian state.
- -64.3% see "separation" as retaliatory and vindictive collective punishment.
- -The intensified closure raises the unemployment level in the West Bank and Gaza to 51%.
- General Background
- Methodology
- Sample Distribution
- Data Collection
- Data Analysis
- Results
- Unemployment
- Palestinian-Jordanian Relations
- Palestinian-Israeli Negotiations
- "Separation" of the West Bank and Gaza from Israel
- Expectations Concerning the Establishment of a Palestinian State
- Armed Operations
- Elections for the PNA President
- Elections for the PNA Vice President
- Elections
- Political Affiliation
- Appendix
Among the more important events in the period immediately preceding this poll was an armed attack against Israeli soldiers on January 22, 1995. The attack resulted in the death of 21 Israelis and the wounding of more than 62, most of whom were soldiers. As a result, the Israeli government decided to tighten the closure of the West Bank and Gaza and prevent all Palestinians from entering Israel. The heightened closure is believed to have heightened economic hardship among Palestinians, especially since it corresponds with the month of Ramadan. An arrest campaign was waged against supporters of Islamist groups and a number of Islamic organizations were outlawed. The military raided the premises of a Palestinian college and arrested a number of students.At the same time, Yitzhak Rabin, the prime minister of Israel, announced that Israel should proceed in a process of full and permanent separation between the West Bank and Israel.
The issue of land confiscation was the subject of protest marches and confrontations between Palestinians and Israelis. In the meanwhile, a Palestinian-Jordanian summit was convened in Jordan as representatives of the PNA and the Jordanian government signed a number of agreements.
Yassir Arafat and Shimon Peres met in the middle of January to discuss settlements, prisoners, and other issues. However, last month witnessed a lack of activity in negotiations as many on both sides called for suspending them.
The questionnaire was designed through consultations with experts. A pre-test involving fifty questionnaires was conducted in the Nablus area prior to the poll. The questionnaire instrument includes a large number of demographic variables as indicated in the section on sample distribution. During this poll, a question where respondents were asked to specify their religion was added to the demographic section. CPRS also added a question regarding marital status that had been used previously but dropped for a period. The section on unemployment that was added in the previous two polls remained in this questionnaire as well.Household Sample Selection
SRU researchers adopted a multi-stage sample selection process. The process of sample selection began with the creation of lists of all locations in the West Bank and Gaza according to district, population size and distribution, and type of locality (city, town, village, and refugee camp). A simple random sample of locations to be surveyed was selected from these lists, as shown in Table 1. Fieldworkers and researchers created maps for these localities. These maps indicated the boundaries, main streets, and clusters of residential neighborhoods in these localities which were further divided into a number of sampling units (blocks) with each unit comprising an average of two hundred housing units. The sample units (blocks) to be surveyed were selected randomly.
Table 1
Sample Localities Selection
The Following table lists the localities that were included in the sample for this month.
District (Sample Localities (Type) District (Sample Localities (Type)
Size/ %) Size/%)
Nablus (109/10%) Nablus (C), Zouata Tulkarm/Qalqilya Burqin (V), 'Azoun
(V), 'Aqraba (V), (89/8.2%) (T), Hableh (V),
Shamaaliya (T), Tulkarm (C), Nur
'Ain Beit al-Ma' Shams (RC)
(RC)
Jenin (77/7.1%) 'Aja (V), Jenin Jericho (20/1.2%) Jericho (C)
(C), Ya'bad (T),
Jenin (RC), Kufr
Dan (V)
Ramallah (105/9.6%) Silwad (T), Beit Hebron (119/10.9%) Hebron (C), Dura
'Anan (V), Beit (T), Halhoul (T),
Laqiyyeh (V), al-'Aroub (RC),
al-Bireh (C), al-Masoua' (T),
Ramallah (C), Beit 'Auwa (V)
al-Amari (RC)
Jerusalem (80/7.3%) Old City, Bethlehem (70/6.4%) Bethlehem (C),
as-Souahra (V), Tafoua' (V),
Shu'fat (RC), at-Tur al-'Aziriyyeh (T),
Deheisheh (RC)
Gaza North Beit Hanoun (V), Gaza City al-Rimal al-Janubi,
(100/9.2%) Jabalya (RC), (140/12.9%) ad-Daraj, as-Shati,
an-Nazlah (V) ash-Shijja'yah
Gaza Middle al-Boureij, Gaza South Rafah (C), Rafah
(90/8.3%) an-Nusseirat, Khan (90/8.3%) (RC)
Younis (RC), 'Absan
al-Kbireh (V)
Households were selected based on a systematic sampling framework. For example, if the fieldworker estimated the number of houses in the sampling unit to be two hundred and is assigned ten interviews, the fieldworker divided the 200 by 10, obtaining 20. Therefore, the fieldworker would conduct the first interview in the 20th house, and the second in the 40th, and so on. Fieldworkers were asked to start their sample selection of housing units from a well-defined point in the area such as a post office, mosque, business, etc. They were asked to report on the direction of their sampling walks. Fieldworkers played an active role in drawing the maps for the localities in the sample and in estimating the number of houses in each block.To select the individual within the selected household to be interviewed, fieldworkers had to flip a coin twice. The first flip was to choose gender of the respondent and the second was to choose whether the respondent is to be older or younger than forty years. When in the household, fieldworkers would conduct the interview with the person who has the characteristics that they selected in this manner.
We received 669 questionnaires from the West Bank and 420 from Gaza, for a total of 1089 interviews. Table 2 provides the reader with data on sample distribution for the present poll where the sample was selected based on household interviews.
(Expressed as a % of the total sample)* Employees: Schoolteacher, Government Employee, Nurse, Lower-level Company Employee, Secretary, etc.
Area of Residence West Bank "including Jerusalem"
Gaza Strip61.4%
38.6%City
Town
Village
Refugee Camps42.1%
09.4%
20.4%
28.1Age Sex Education 18-22
23-26
27-30
31-35
36-42
43-50
51+15.4%
13.6%
14.6%
15.4%
12.5%
14.1%
14.4%Males
Females44.2%
55.8%Up to 9 years (elem./prep)
Up to 12 years (Tawjihi)
2 year College
University Degree50.6%
32.2%
09.1%
08.1%Refugee Status Marital Status Occupation Ref.
NonRef.49.4
50.6Single
Married
Divorced & Widowed19.9%
77.0%
03.1%Laborers
Merchants
Craftsmen
Students
Housewives
Farmers
Employees*
Specialists**
None
Retired12.0%
03.1%
07.5%
05.4%
46.6%
2.0%
07.0%
2.2%
12.8%
1.4%
** Specialists: University Teacher, Engineer, Doctor, Lawyer, Pharmacist, Executive, etc.
Data collectors have participated in a number of workshops where the goals of the poll were discussed. They were also lectured on household interviewing, confidence building, mapping, sampling techniques, survey methods, and scientific research. Four special training seminars for data collectors were conducted during this month, attended by a total of sixty-four fieldworkers. Training for data collection was conducted in the field where actual illustrations of the sample selection and interviewing techniques were conducted.Data collectors worked in groups supervised by qualified researchers. CPRS researchers made random visits to interview stations and discussed the research process with data collectors. More than fifty percent of our data collectors were female, so as to ensure the representation of women in the sample. Data collectors were assigned a limited number of interviews (an average of 15 per day) to allow for careful interviewing.
Interviews took place primarily over a three day period (Thursday, Friday, and Saturday) and were conducted on a face-to-face basis. Household interviews resulted in a lower non-response rate, estimated at 7%. Some respondents, we believe, were reluctant to state their political views out of fear or disinterest in the present political factions .
Data were processed through the use of SPSS, a computer package that is able to detect illogical answers and other inconsistencies. The margin of error for this poll is less than 3%.
UnemploymentThe poll results indicate a sharp increase in the rate of unemployment, which reached 51%, compared with 32% last month. The increase is spread throughout the West Bank and Gaza, where it is at 57% in Gaza and 48% in the West Bank. This percentage of unemployment represents persons who are part of the labor force and did not work (not even for one hour) the week preceding the poll, who want to work, and are actively seeking work. However, if we look at the people who want to work but are not looking for some reason or another (discouraged labor), the unemployment rate increases to 60%. Among respondents who indicated that they were employed, 80% were employed full-time and 20% were employed part-time.
Unemployment is widespread, especially in refugee camps and villages/towns, as illustrated in table 3.
Table 3
Unemployment by Place of Residence
Refugee Camp Village/Town City
58% 56% 43%
It is known that the refugee camps suffer from a bad economic situation more than the other areas since the lack of economic infrastructure in the camps leads to more dependency on work in Israeli markets that became cut off from them due to the heightened closure.Unemployment is also spread throughout age groups, as shown in Table 4. Previous poll results indicated that the younger respondents were more likely to be unemployed. However, the latest poll reveals the effect of the heightened closure on all age groups.
Table 4
Unemployment by Age
18-22 years 48% 23-26 years 55% 27-30 years 41% 31-35 years 44% 36-42 years 60% 43-50 years 63% 51-64 35%
The largest percentage of the unemloyed is comprised of men as there are more men in the labor force. However, if we compare the unemployment rates among men and women, we will find that the percentage is higher for women, as shown in Table 5. (It should be reiterated here that we are only including women and men who are wanting to work and actively seeking work in the unemployment rates. Therefore, the higher percentage for women would not be a function of more women choosing to stay home.)Table 5
Unemployment by Gender
Men Women
49% 60%
The problem of unemployment is also more widespread among married respondents, who have more committments, than among single respondents, which intensifies the severity of the unemployment problem among Palestinians. (See Table 6)Table 6
Unemployment by Marital Status
Married Single
53% 45%
The poll results show that there is a relationship between educational attainment and unemployment (where as education increases the percentage of unemployment decreases) which further intensifies poverty and the existing differences in society and leads to a large extent to a lowering of the standard of living, particularly among laborers, farmers, and craftspeople. (See Table 7).Table 7
Unemployment by Education
9 years or less 60% 10-12 years 53% 2 year college 43% University degree(s) 33%
It should be emphasized that while interviews are conducted in households, and therefore would seem to favor people who are not working, the days and hours of polling are chosen in such a way as to correct for this. Thursday interviews are conducted only after 11 a.m, since many people leave work early on this day. Friday and Saturday are usual weekly days off, Friday for workers in the territories, and Saturday for workers from the territories who work in Israel during times when permits to enter Israel are issued and honored.Researchers at CPRS are currently studying the details of this topic and the research findings will be published later this year.
Palestinian-Jordanian Relations
A total of 51.4% of Palestinians view positively Yassir Arafat's visit to Jordan, where an agreement between Jordan and the Palestinian Authority was signed. These respondents are of the opinion that the agreement will end the disputes between the two sides. In contrast, 29.7% believe that the disputes will not end because of the agreements. It is believed more in the Gaza Strip than in the West Bank that relations between Jordan and the Palestinian Authority may be improved. Doubts that the agreement will end disputes between the two sides are higher among the older respondents than among the younger, and among the more educated than the less educated. (See Tables 8 and 9)
Table 8
Attitude Towards Jordanian-Palestinian Agreement by Age
Yes % No % No Opinion %
18-22 51.2 30.7 18.1
23-26 49.3 33.6 17.1
27-30 43.3 36.9 19.7
31-35 52.4 30.1 17.5
36-42 52.6 23.7 23.7
43-50 52.6 27.0 20.4
51+ 57.7 26.3 16.0
Table 9Attitude Towards Jordanian-Palestinian Agreement by Education
Yes % No % No Opinion %
9 years or less 49.1 26.5 24.4
10-12 years 53.9 30.0 16.1
2 year college 59.2 32.7 08.1
Univ. degree(s) 48.0 49.5 02.5
There is also a relationship between political affiliation and view of the agreement, where supporters of Fateh and Feda more than any other group believe that the recent agreement will end the disputes between the two sides. (See Table 10)Table 10
Attitude Towards Jordanian-Palestinian Agreement by Political Affiliation
Yes % No % No Opinion %
PPP 43.5 43.5 13.0
Hamas 37.4 41.9 20.6
Fateh 61.7 24.1 14.2
Islamic Jihad 43.2 37.8 18.9
DFLP 41.7 41.7 16.7
PFLP 43.6 46.2 10.3
Feda 66.7 --- 33.3
Islamic Inds 35.0 50.0 15.0
Nationalist Inds 52.3 34.1 13.6
Others 50.7 30.1 19.2
No One 35.6 25.2 39.3
Palestinian-Israeli Negotiations
Most of the Palestinians (81.3%) reject continuing the negotiations in the context of continuing settlement expansion. In contrast, 14.1% support continuing the negotiations. This is the highest opposition to continuing the negotiations since immediately following the Hebron massacre. A CPRS poll conducted in March of 1994 showed that only 7.7% of the respondents supported unconditional continuation of the negotiations. In contrast, 31% stipulated the dismantling of settlements in Hebron as a precondition for continuing the negotations, and 55.5% opposed continuing the negotations. The current rejection comes more from the Gaza Strip than the West Bank by a difference of 6.6%. The rejection of negotiations in the context of settlement expansion comes from groups most vocal in society and most active in political life. The refusal to continue negotiations is spread to a large extent among the educated and the younger respondents. (See Tables 11 and 12)
Table 11
Attitude Towards Continuing Negotiations by Education
Yes % No % No Opinion %
9 years or less 14.7 79.8 05.5
10-12 years 13.6 82.9 03.5
2 year college 12.2 82.7 05.1
Univ. degree(s) 13.1 83.8 03.1
Table 12Attitude Towards Continuing Negotiations by Age
Yes % No % No Opinion %
18-22 12.7 86.1 01.2
23-26 15.0 83.7 01.3
27-30 15.8 79.7 04.4
31-35 13.9 79.4 06.7
36-42 15.0 82.0 03.0
43-50 08.6 86.1 05.3
51+ 18.2 72.1 09.7
Opposition to continuing the negotiations if settlements continue to expand is not restricted to the supporters of the opposition factions; it also includes supporters of Fateh and Feda. (See Table 13) Table 13Attitude Towards Continuing Negotiations by Political Affiliation
Yes % No % No Opinion %
PPP 04.3 95.7 ---
Hamas 07.1 90.4 02.5
Fateh 19.3 78.3 02.4
Islamic Jihad 05.4 91.9 02.7
DFLP 16.7 83.3 ---
PFLP --- 100 ---
Feda 16.7 66.7 16.6
Islamic Inds. 15.0 80.0 05.0
Nationalist Inds. 11.4 79.5 09.1
Others 12.3 80.8 06.9
No One 11.2 74.6 14.2
"Separation" of the West Bank and Gaza Strip from IsraelMost Palestinians (64.3%) believe that the idea of separation suggested by Yitzhak Rabin is a form of retaliatory and vindictive collective punishment against Palestinians. Only 15.8% believe that the idea of separation is the beginning of Israeli acceptance of the establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza, whereas 19.9% declared that they are not sure about this topic. A higher percentage of West Bank residents than Gaza residents viewed the closure as collective punishment. Also, more educated persons are more likely to view the closure as the beginning of Israeli acceptance of Palestinian statehood, where 24% of those with university degrees chose this option, compared with 13% of those with only primary education. (See Table 14)
Table 14
Attitude Towards "Separation" by Education
Israeli Acceptance Collective Not Sure %
% Punishment %
9 years or less 13.9 64.6 21.5
10-12 years 15.3 66.2 18.5
2 year college 21.4 57.1 21.5
Univ. degree(s) 24.0 54.5 21.5
Men are more likely than women to view the idea of "separation" as the beginning of Israeli acceptance of the establishment of a Palestinian state. Also, supporters of Fateh more than supporters of other groups view this idea in the same way, where 21% of them choose the beginning of acceptance option, joined by 10.9 from supporters of Hamas, and 18.2 from nationalist independents. (See Table 15).Table 15
Attitude Towards "Separation" by Political Affiliation
Israeli Acceptance Collective Not Sure %
% Punishment %
PPP 13.0 65.2 21.7
Hamas 10.9 73.7 15.4
Fateh 21.2 58.8 20.0
Islamic Jihad 02.7 75.7 21.6
DFLP 25.0 50.0 25.0
PFLP 10.3 79.5 10.3
Feda --- 83.3 16.7
Islamic Inds. 10.0 85.0 05.0
Nationalist Inds. 18.2 72.7 09.1
Others 13.9 66.7 19.4
No One 07.4 60.3 32.4
Expectations Concerning the Establishment of a Palestinian StateDespite the aforementioned, 55.3% of the respondents believe that the peace process which began with the Declaration of Principles will lead to the establishment of a Palestinian state, compared with 45.1% expressing such a belief in September of 1993. Those who currently declared that this agreement will not lead to a Palestinian state were 32.6%. There is a clear difference between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in this regard, where 50.8% of the residents of the West Bank declared that the peace process will lead to the establishment of a Palestinian state, whereas the percentage increases to 62.4% in Gaza. This difference can be attributed to the readily apparent existence of the Palestinian Authority and its symbols in the Gaza Strip, whereas the Israeli occupation continues in the West Bank. We notice here that there is a relationship between education and doubts about the possibility of establishing a Palestinian state, where the more educated are more doubtful than the less educated. (See Table 16)
Table 16
Expectations of Establishment of a State (as a Result of Peace Process) by Education
Yes % No % No Opinion %
9 years or less 58.9 27.6 13.5
10-12 years 53.2 34.8 12.0
2 year college 53.1 39.8 07.1
University degrees 49.2 42.1 09.7
Also, older respondents are more likely than younger ones to believe that this peace process will lead to the establishment of a state. (See Table 17)Table 17
Expectations of Establishment of a State (as a Result of Peace Process) by Age
Yes % No % No Opinion %
18-22 51.2 37.3 11.4
23-26 49.0 42.9 08.2
27-30 53.8 34.2 12.0
31-35 56.0 34.9 09.0
36-42 60.7 24.4 14.8
43-50 61.2 25.0 13.8
51+ 56.4 28.8 14.7
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